Thursday, May 31, 2007

NYT Article Criticism

The WSJ is critical of the NYT article quoted in the last post. Here's why....

Channeling Justice O'Connor

Yesterday the U.S. Supreme Court decided an employment discrimination case in favor of the defendant. Plaintiff Lilly Ledbetter showed that she had received a series of raises smaller than those her male colleagues got, but the question before the court was whether she acted soon enough. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 requires aggrieved employees to file a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission within 180 days "after the alleged unlawful employment practice occurred."

At issue in Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. is whether the 180-day clock starts ticking anew each time an employee claiming a wage disparity receives a paycheck. The court ruled 5-4 that it does not--that the "alleged unlawful employment practice" consists of the setting of pay rates, not the actual payment. Justice Samuel Alito wrote the decision, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg the dissent.

A couple of things struck us about the way Linda Greenhouse of the New York Times covered this decision. First is the insidious blurring of the legislative and judicial functions:

Title VII's prohibition of workplace discrimination applies not just to pay but also to specific actions like refusal to hire or promote, denial of a desired transfer and dismissal. Justice Ginsburg argued in her dissenting opinion that while these "singular discrete acts" are readily apparent to an employee who can then make a timely complaint, pay discrimination often presents a more ambiguous picture. She said the court should treat a pay claim as it treated a claim for a "hostile work environment" in a 2002 decision, permitting a charge to be filed "based on the cumulative effect of individual acts."

In response, Justice Alito dismissed this as a "policy argument" with "no support in the statute." . . .

In her opinion, Justice Ginsburg invited Congress to overturn the decision, as it did 15 years ago with a series of Supreme Court rulings on civil rights.

"Overturn" is Greenhouse's word, not Ginsburg's, and Greenhouse should know better. Higher courts can overturn the decisions of lower courts, and courts can overturn their own precedents. But the Supreme Court is the final word on the interpretation of federal law. What Ginsburg actually urged Congress to do is enact a new law.

The distinction between making and interpreting laws is fundamental to America's system of separation of powers. It is a distinction that has been blurred in recent decades by a Supreme Court determined to act as a sort of hyperlegislature--most notably in the area of abortion, where the court has conjured literally from nothing (i.e., from a constitution that is silent on the topic) a nearly unlimited right to abort a pregnancy, coupled with an elaborate scheme for determining what regulations on abortion pose an "undue burden."

The liberal left in America--of which Greenhouse is a part--isn't much interested in the separation of powers; by and large it is concerned only with outcomes: Abortion on demand, by any means necessary! Greenhouse's reference to Congress "overturning" a Supreme Court decision--as if the legislature were an ultrasupreme court--shows how deeply internalized this unconcern for the legislative-judicial distinction has become.

This passage from the Greenhouse piece, meanwhile, is just funny:

As with an abortion ruling last month, this decision showed the impact of Justice Alito's presence on the court. Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, whom he succeeded, would almost certainly have voted the other way, bringing the opposite outcome.

Really? Wouldn't Justice O'Connor have carefully weighed the arguments on both sides and come to a conclusion on the merits? Is it really Greenhouse's view that O'Connor would adhere to some sort of party line instead?

3 comments:

Garrett said...

"from a constitution that is silent on the topic..."

9) The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

10) The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.

14) No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States...

Gonzo said...

Not sure what you mean by this but I think Taranto meant that the Constitution is silent about abortion and, hence, the Supreme Court may not have had standing to rule.

Gonzo said...

More on this from WSJ:

A case that is similar in some respects is National Railroad Passenger Corp. v. Morgan (2002). That was a case of race, not sex, discrimination; and at issue was the allegation of a "hostile environment," not pay disparity. In that case, the court ruled in favor of the plaintiff, adopting a more lenient construction of the deadline. But one justice wrote:

I join Part II-A of the Court's opinion because I agree that Title VII suits based on discrete discriminatory acts are time barred when the plaintiff fails to file a charge with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) within the 180- or 300-day time period designated in the statute. I dissent from the remainder of the Court's opinion, however, because I believe a similar restriction applies to all types of Title VII suits, including those based on a claim that a plaintiff has been subjected to a hostile work environment.

The dissenting justice was Sandra Day O'Connor. The majority opinion, siding with the plaintiff, was written by Justice Thomas.